JULY 2022


‘Earth is talking to us. It says we have no more time’

Txai Pater Suruí


The earth is in a trance. Humanity is under threat.


The climatic point of balance formed over millions of years, to which species – including humanity – were adapted was disrupted due to the anthropic action of the last three centuries, whose industrial revolution promoted cumulative CO2 emissions on a scale greater than the Earth and its natural ecosystems can metabolize in order to maintain its average temperature stable.


The alteration and destruction of natural ecosystems and its conversion into fields for pasture or cultivation of homogeneous agricultural crops have changed the conditions for survival and reproduction on Earth, setting in motion a large and accelerated mass extinction and promoting an artificial selection of species, particularly bacteria and viruses that threaten human existence.


All natural systems, especially aquatic ones, like the oceans, have suffered a double attack with the overfishing of the species that inhabit them, its use as a repository for industrial waste, and more recently with the acidification promoted by climate change.


The logic of reproduction of species and ecosystems has times and limits that need to be respected; the logic of reproduction of capital, on the other hand, knows no limits. By submitting the logic of reproduction of species and ecosystems to the logic of reproduction of capital, the capitalist system will inevitably face a non-economic limit to its expansion, with repercussions to all of the inhabitants of the planet.


By going beyond the ecological limit of the greenhouse effect, capital provokes the Earth to seek a new climatic equilibrium point, the consequences of which are already present with extreme weather events, which only announce a future climatic condition that will require a new pattern of adaptation by the species. The surpassing of the point of no return for natural ecosystems creates a new and unpredictable condition for species adaptation and survival. These and other ecological changes will create an unfavorable condition for human survival.


The announcement of the coming chaos, in addition to the hunger that victims almost a billion people, to the exploitation of labor, to the unpaid work of women, to the private appropriation of common assets, and to the social exclusion of the majority of humanity, calls for a change in the way of life based on the shared use of the products of human work and Nature, respecting the limits of humans and ecosystems.



Humanity’s Choice


This choice between ecosocialism or barbarism is posed as humanity’s great challenge for this century. It is urgent to denounce the barbaric essence of capitalism, a parasitic system that exploits humanity and Nature. The logic that governs its decisions is one that seed life, in all its forms, as mere merchandise – useful to produce wealth for the few. In this reasoning, the ‘life-merchandise’ must be exhausted, worn out, and, after losing its use, discarded as a residue of the process of wealth production.


To the capital, life, in all its expressions, are mere objects to generate profit by being transformed into products in a wasteful and often unnecessary way, draining the planet’s wealth beyond its replacement capacity and returning toxins and pollution at the end of this process.

Capitalism’s ruthless drive for limitless growth manifests at all of its levels, from the individual company to the system as a whole. The insatiable hunger of corporations is facilitated by imperialist expansion in search of natural resources, cheap labor, and new markets. This rage is perverse to all, but especially to the countries of the Global South, as they participate in the international market as suppliers of products obtained through the extraction of natural wealth and the offering of overexploited low-wage labor, allowing the countries of the Global North to engage in the production of goods of greater complexity and knowledge, and therefore greater monetary value.


This sociological structure is ecologically destructive and is the cause of the imminent collapse of the planet’s conditions for the reproduction and maintenance of life, including human one. By destroying the ecosystem, promoting aggressive suppression of native vegetation, indefinitely stimulating oil and gas extraction, and depleting water resources, productivist capitalism directly sponsors environmental pollution, global warming, and inter-species imbalance.


This intensive process of planetary degradation alters rainfall patterns, leading to droughts and extreme weather phenomena. Rising temperatures lead to rising sea levels and ocean acidification, with dramatic consequences for terrestrial and marine ecosystems. This rise in sea level also leads to concrete risks of disappearance and flooding of large coastal cities such as Amsterdam, Rio de Janeiro, Salvador de Bahia, Shanghai, and Venice, among others.


Scientists have been warning about the risks of the climate crisis and denouncing that the intensification of events such as droughts, floods, typhoons, and rising sea levels are harbingers of this crisis. Without control, global warming has already started to have catastrophic impacts on human, animal, and vegetal life. Hundreds of millions of people will be displaced by drought in some areas and by higher tide levels in others. One million species of plants and animals are projected to disappear in the near future. A chaotic and unpredictable climate will become the normal. In this scenario, epidemics of malaria, cholera, and even more lethal diseases will hit the poorest and most vulnerable in every society hard, even in rich countries.


The impact of the ecological crisis is most devastating in those countries whose lives have already been or are being destroyed by imperialism – Asia, Africa, and Latin America; indigenous peoples and traditional populations everywhere are especially vulnerable. Environmental destruction and climate change is an act of aggression by the rich against the poor.


In view of this, humanity must break with this cycle of barbarism installed by capitalism and build a new paradigm of society, one that is socially just, environmentally integrated, and based on solidarity.


Capitalist Strategies for Change


The answers given by capitalism to the crisis are based on the idea of a sustainable development, a solution that does not approach the problem of infinite economic expansion, vital for capitalist profit but incompatible with finite and fragile ecosystems.

In an economic system that establishes no limits to growth, the constant need for expansion subverts any limits that might impose themselves in the name of “sustainable development.” Thus, “green capitalism” is essentially a contradiction. The capitalist system cannot regulate its own activity, much less overcome the crises caused by its chaotic and parasitic growth, because to do so would require placing limits on its accumulation – an unacceptable choice for a system governed by a law of ‘grow or die’ – the source of the crisis cannot be part of the solution.


The reforms implemented in the last decades have not been effective. Although some improvements have occurred, they were inevitably supplanted by the merciless expansion of capitalism and the chaotic nature of its mode of production. Even those measures that manage to survive prove insufficient to overcome the crisis, as they convey mere cosmetic changes. The necessary socio-ecological transformations must be collective and structural efforts.


An example that demonstrates such failure is that, in the first four years of the 21st century, annual global carbon emissions were almost three times higher than in the 1990s, despite the signature of the Kyoto Protocol in 1997. This trend continues even after the Paris Agreement signed by COP 21 in 2015, whose terms presents a timid and inefficient goal of halting average climate warming by 1.5%, maintaining the focus on adaptation and technological development tools, in addition to the financialization of environmental solutions.


Moreover, all these tools depend on market mechanisms, which means transforming atmospheric carbon directly into a commodity under the control of the same interests of the classes that created global warming. In the “net zero” proposals, for example, polluters are not compelled to reduce their carbon emissions; they are actually allowed to use their financial power to control the carbon market for their own purposes, which includes devastating carbon exploitation. Those mechanisms don’t even establish a limit to the amount of emission credits that can be issued by colluding governments.


There is, as a consequence, a deep sense of distrust on the diplomatic approach to contain global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, as determined by the Paris agreement, since this commitment is not respected by the capitalist oligarchies, due to the fact that the alliance of bourgeois states with corporations prevents the monetary investments and actions necessary to fulfill this purpose. Moreover, according to warnings from scientists, even if all countries complied with the decisions of the Paris Agreement, the temperature would reach the 3°C level, but the scenario of our common future is more dramatic because the countries have not worked for these goals to be met.


On the other hand, even if the goals were indeed achieved, climate change has already begun and the global society is already feeling its consequences. The 2021 report of the IPCC, the UN institution responsible for monitoring climate change, points out that 80% of the planet’s area, where 85% of the population lives, is already affected by climate change, i.e. already suffering from the process of desertification, heat waves, floods, advancing oceans on the continents, cold waves, etc.


The World Meteorological Organization states that there is a 40% chance that at least one year between 2021 and 2025 will exceed 1.5ºC in the annual global average, and the chances increase with time. In this context, the decisions taken at the COP 26 meeting in Glasgow, besides being insufficient to contain global warming, work with unrealistic deadlines given the urgency in adopting concrete measures to reduce emissions. In this scenario, one of the civilization’s priorities is to prevent the 1.5º C from being exceeded.


To affirm and ensure the future of humanity, the socio-ecological changes needed to contain the climate crisis must be collective and structural. A revolutionary transformation is necessary, in which all particular efforts must be seen as part of a larger struggle against capital itself. A struggle that is not merely negative and anti-capitalist, but one that heralds a different kind of society, ecosocialism.


The Ecosocialist Alternative


Ecosocialism expresses the synthesis between socialism and ecology by recognizing that the conditions for an emancipated society and for the preservation of nature relate from the same material base. This allows an objective integration. On the one hand, the ecological goal is that humans live in balance with the planet and the web of life. On the other hand, the socialist goal is to create a society free from class division, exploitation and oppression, with an economy that is democratically planned by society.

The ecosocialist alternative, based on the non-monetary values of social justice and socio-environmental balance, implies the transformation of capitalism’s quantitative economic criteria into socialist criteria where quantity and quality are submitted to value-in-use and the notion of social planning under the control of the workers. Thus, establishing the core of Marx’s conception of socialism with the end of the prominence of the exchange value.


The ecosocialist synthesis implies questioning the autonomization of the economy, the sovereignty of quantification, production as an end in itself, the dictatorship of money, and the reduction of the social universe to the calculation of profit margins and capital accumulation. This synthesis also calls for the insertion of qualitative values as determinants of production: the value of use, the satisfaction of needs, and social equality associated with the preservation of nature and ecological balance.


Ecosocialism conceives the economy as ‘embedded’ in the environment. With this, democratic control and sustainable criteria converge around the objectives of decentralization, self-management and democratic planning scales, which in turn imply diversification of the economy and of the forms of social organization.


Capitalism is a social system of production, but it is also a culture. Therefore, its opposite, ecosocialism, must also become a mode of production and a culture. Both ecological and pluralistic, it must systemically seek to redefine the path and goal of socialism within an ecological, sustainable, and radically democratic framework.


Ecosocialism intends, in its democratic radicalism, to rebuild the economic order on different bases, retrieving the original meaning of the economy. Since the classical Greeks until the eighteenth century it was seen as the technique and art of satisfying the needs of the oikos, that is, the economy aimed to meet the needs of the house – the house, the community, the village, the city, the country or even our common home, the Earth.


Productivism, in which qualitative economic criteria are subordinated to a quantitative standard organized by a logic of growth and accumulation, is rejected by ecosocialism. This involves a rethinking of Nature and the goals of production and economic activity in general, since one cannot, for example, produce just for the sake of producing or to prove the quantitative production capacity of socialism over capitalism. Recognizing and emphasizing essential reproductive human activities – such as taking care of the home, the care and education of children, the care of adults and the elderly – conviviality, creative, artistic and playful activities, are at the basis of an ecosocialist civilization. We need a society in which conviviality, the meaning of life, biodiversity, and part of everyone’s life.


For ecosocialists, only a profound change in the very nature of civilization can free humanity from the catastrophic consequences of climate change and biodiversity loss. Clean air, clean water, and fertile soil, as well as universal access to pesticide-free food and renewable, non-polluting energy sources, are natural, basic human rights. To avoid global warming and other dangers that threaten human and planetary survival, sectors of industry and agriculture must be reduced, discontinued, or restructured, and others must be created, providing work and income for all.


Such a radical transformation is impossible without the transformation of the central means of production into communal ones and the social control of production and exchange. Democratic decisions about investment and technological development must replace the control of capitalist corporations, shareholders and banks, in order to provide, on the long-term, quality of life to society and Nature.


The struggle of the working class – urban workers, extractivists, small farmers, landless and unemployed workers – for social justice is inseparable from the struggle for environmental justice. Moreover, the most oppressed parts of society, such as women, poor people, black people, LGBTQIA+ people, workers under precarious circumstances, and indigenous people, must play a central role in eco-socialist revolutionary efforts in order to revitalize sustainable ecological traditions and give voice to those that the capitalist system does not hear. In the end, this revolution cannot begin without a radical transformation of social structures and policies based on the active support of the population.


The proposal is to overcome capitalism, which is based on accumulation through the exploitation of labor, class domination, the submission of peoples, the oppression of women, and the plundering of Nature, and, therefore, an enemy of the planet and, in equal measure, of life itself.


The ecosocialist transition in Brazil


Brazil is one of the world’s vastest countries, comprising a large part of the planet’s greatest biodiversity source: the Amazon Rainforest. It also possesses a diversity of other rich biomes, shared with other countries of the continent. The country was, however, built on environmental predation, slavery, the genocide of native peoples, political exclusion, as well as various other injustices and aggressions to its people. It is a rich country, capable of meeting the needs of its entire population if its wealth is shared with everyone in a fair way, instead of remaining in the hands of the oligarchies that have monopolized power for centuries.


The intense process of industrialization in Brazil between 1930 and 1980 generated an urbanized society and a diversified economy, without, however, overcoming the legacy of predation, inequalities and oligarchic concentration of power. Since then, neoliberal globalization structured global production and value chains controlled by imperialist corporations that established a new international division of labor, which weakened the autonomy and productive base of the Brazilian economy. Neoliberalism also promoted, with the active support of the local bourgeoisies, a neocolonial regression of the country.


From then on, the country’s international trade flow was again organized around the import of industrial products and agricultural and mineral exports, soy, meat, iron ore, sugar cane… in a combination of environmental and human predation and capital-intensive business under the rule of financial capital.


Thus, to affirm an ecosocialist project in Brazil it is inevitable to confront this neoextractivist model and the territorial-based power of the Brazilian ruling classes, even the most financialized ones, changing the country’s place in the international order. This is a challenge that must still be faced in partnership with our South American neighbors who share with us the same social, economic and environmental problems and challenges.


Ecosocialism is an internationalist project of integration of the peoples of our continent and of a rupture with any form of imperialism, of the construction of common political responses to the common problems of humanity in this 21st century. It recognizes, therefore, the importance of fighting against false market solutions and of taking a stand against projects for the advance of foreign capital in our continent.


Brazilian ecosocialism is inspired by and advances in the struggles of martyrs, especially Chico Mendes, Dorothy Stang, Bruno Araújo Pereira, Dom Philips, several forest guardians, among many references who fought against forest invasions and deforestation, and built alternatives for lives integrated with Nature.


The guidelines for an ecosocialist transition, presented below, were strongly inspired by the document “Call for an Ecosocial Transition in Brazil”. They seek to go to the roots of the problems, articulating social and environmental justice. In order to move forward, they must be deepened and unfolded into transversal orientations, but also into specific legislations, policies, and actions. Their relevance is that they contribute to the socio-ecological conditions for an ecosocialist rupture.


  1. Recompose and reorient environmental policies in all spheres. We need to defend and rebuild the policy and the environmental management and control system, demeaned by recent governments, as well as to reorient them so that they gain strategic meaning. Environmental policies are not an obstacle, but a precondition for any social advance in Brazil, articulating with the international commitments assumed by the Brazilian State.


They must be defended and reinforced in the legislative, legal, administrative, and public policies fields. It is necessary to rethink state and municipal policies from the socio-environmental point of view and to technically and financially recompose the agencies that implement the land and environmental policies, of inspection of the conservation units and of the environmental impacts of enterprises and control of deforested areas. This also requires strongly challenging institutional colonialism, which imposes the establishment of environmental partnerships and concessions in the logic of the colonizer (represented here by the corporations and companies that exploit natural resources) favoring socio-environmental crime. Additionally, this logic excludes traditional populations from decision-making in the processes of environmental protection and conservation in Brazil.


  1. Zero deforestation with inclusive management and restoration of forests with native species. It is urgent to reduce deforestation, especially in areas of agricultural and cattle ranching expansion, whose contribution is the main one in national GHG emissions (44%). This must be done by ensuring the immense socio-biodiversity present in our biomes, with traditional peoples and communities being a determining factor. We must encourage, favor and protect the Extractive Reserves (RESEX), the Sustainable Development Reserves (RDS), the Private Natural Protection Reserves (RPPN), the Environmental Protection Areas (APAs) and the entire National System of Conservation Units (SNUC), as well as to reformulate the policy for our biomes – or ecogeographic and biocultural systems – the Amazon, the Pantanal, the Atlantic Forest, the Cerrado, the Caatinga, the Pampa and the coastal ecosystems, all threatened in Brazil, whose specific legislation is currently disrespected.


  1. Promote the immediate demarcation and autonomy of territories It is essential, in the face of authoritarianism and socio-environmental and ethno-cultural violence, to strengthen the self-determination of peoples and the rights of Nature, the self-defense of socio-territorial communities and their leaders, with mutual support and solidarity. It is extremely urgent to guarantee the demarcation of and respect for indigenous lands, quilombola territories, and agro-extractivist territories. The following are fundamental and unavoidable actions to prevent the destruction of the most threatened ecosystems: to contain the advance of the agricultural frontier, especially in the Cerrado, the Amazon, and the Pantanal, and to increase surveillance to prevent criminal burning; to put an end to illegal mining and logging in the Amazon, especially in indigenous peoples’ areas, especially those in voluntary isolation or in recent contact; to promote and guarantee the protection of areas that are free of mining. The right to free, prior, and informed consultation must be guaranteed to indigenous peoples, quilombolas, and traditional communities, as guaranteed by ILO Convention 169, based on the community protocols that they have built. This also means combating the private appropriation of the territories of these peoples and communities by megaprojects and predatory mining that bring suffering and death.


  1. Promoting the Rights of Nature: the driver of a new anti-capitalist paradigm. It is important to understand that Nature has an intrinsic “value”. The anthropocentric view of Nature reduces it to a use value, subordinating it to the interests of man imposed by capital. The protection of Nature must, therefore, be direct and independent of its usefulness to the human species. Nature’s right to exist emerges as the great challenger of capitalism and its chains, where it is understood that it is not necessary to use plants and animals, or benefit from the water and the river to conserve and protect Nature. However, it is necessary that these rights be guaranteed in the national legislation and inserted in environmental public policies.


  1. Promote agroecology and food sovereignty, implement popular agrarian reform. The production model based on latifundia, monoculture, industrial exploitation of animals, and technological and credit intensification, despite the propaganda, is harmful to the environment, to farm workers, to the consumers of its products, and also to the national economy, by concentrating assets and investments, turning to export, generating few jobs, and making food more expensive. Stopping the destruction and creating broad programs to rebuild what was destroyed requires facing those responsible and their interests head on, that is, framing agribusiness, the ruralist sector embedded in the powers of the Republic and all its tentacles, including the Free Trade Agreements, and advancing in a popular agrarian reform. It is necessary, simultaneously, to broaden and strengthen the construction of agroecology, agroforestry, permaculture, and food sovereignty, as the only way to end hunger and guarantee the right to healthy and quality food. This involves food free of agrotoxics and GMOs, and policies that, based on the conditions of sovereignty, encourage the debate of popular veganism and animal exploitation. This also requires consideration of reproductive justice, collective and preventive health policies, and economic, cultural, and socio-historical reparations to centuries-old plundered peoples.


  1. Protect water and water systems. Brazil, privileged in water potential, faces a growing scarcity of water, because the water security of the population is subordinated to the interests of agribusiness, mining companies, contractors and private concessionaires of public water and sanitation services. With this, the “drought industry” takes on new forms, generating waste, water crises, and the languishing of watersheds. Water, reduced to mere merchandise, creates growing risks for society as a whole, but, as a common good, it needs to be available in quantity and quality for all, through public services, to meet human needs and the needs of other beings on the planet. To this end, it is necessary to universalize environmental sanitation, beyond basic sanitation, with the elimination of agricultural (pesticides and fertilizers), chemical, and industrial pollution sources, and the protection of our rivers, springs, and aquifers. Water requires a democratic administration, truly participatory, with distribution of responsibilities and complex and efficient institutional arrangements.


  1. Energy and production transition, to overcome fossil fuels, irresponsible extractivism and consumerism. We need to decarbonize our energy and transportation matrix, adopting cleaner, renewable sources that are adequate to current demands, but in a way that de-mercratizes, democratizes and decentralizes the alternatives, favoring forms of shared generation. This also requires changing demand in the opposite direction to the current model of “infinite” consumption and production. This energy transition is inseparable from combating consumerism, which is fed by socially and environmentally irresponsible advertising and is the source of countless predatory activities. It requires opposing credit for superfluous consumption, planned obsolescence and disposability; encouraging technological innovation through public research, with support also for basic science, and the restructuring of curricula and training; planning production chains according to logistical efficiency; enabling quality public services for the entire population; expanding the recycling and reuse of materials and waste water; opposing export-oriented agricultural and extractive activities, combating mining and governing by the principle of indispensable mining. It requires combating the spread of the icon merchandise of capitalism, the private automobile, and the eating habits linked to the spread of ultra-processed foods and the addiction to beef consumption, the production of which is most responsible for the deforestation of the Amazon.


  1. A new standard of urban life. Our cities have become or are becoming unviable; they need to be transformed. Real estate speculation monopolizes the central regions, their structures and services, pushing the impoverished population and the most polluting activities to the peripheries and wetlands. We need to rethink urban mobility, starting with free public transportation systems and with interconnection between the different modes, with low carbon, that discourage the use of private vehicles. Equally important is to guarantee the right to housing and the democratization of the city. Guaranteeing the right to the city means, among other measures: a) sustainable housing; b) combating the logic of capacity building in urban management; c) capturing solar energy; d) lighting systems, ventilation and refrigeration of low consumption, a sustainable architecture, with distribution of goods and services in a more rationalized way; e) strengthening of the local and solidary economy, like the free fairs and the exchange of products; f) fighting the production of goods, services, consumption and construction that generate garbage and pollution and g) more collective spaces for leisure and for the construction of culture. To achieve these goals, the decision-making model proposed by ecosocialism is participative citizenship in collective, public management at the three levels, federal, state, and municipal.


  1. Guaranteeing work and income for the entire population. A socio-ecological transition is impossible if we do not take up the struggle for the radical reduction of the working day, systematic elevation of the minimum wage, guaranteed income for the needy sectors, combating all forms of precarious labor relations with the creation of self-managed and cooperative alternatives, and elimination of economic dependence on productive activities of high destructive potential, including digital platforms. It demands the creation of real “green jobs”, capable of allowing a displacement of activities related to the production of goods and services of high impact, generating greenhouse gases, to others more harmonious with the environment and, in fact, sustainable, including with the opening of work fronts for the recovery of degraded areas, artisanal fishing, agricultural collective cultivation, rural and urban. Extreme exploitation, slavery, must be eliminated urgently with governmental and civil society actions. To increase productive complexity, inherent to the society of the 21st century, the proposal is to invest in training and generating opportunities for the population in high technology tools and processes. We need to recompose the times and ways of life that have been damaged and shattered by the destructive tendencies of capitalism.


  1. Regional integration, demilitarization, economic deglobalization and political globalization. The current established international economic, political and cultural relations are pillars of the capitalist order. An eco-social transition requires affirming the principle of subsidiarity in the organization of economic activity, that is, producing locally, regionally, nationally, and continentally what can be produced in each of these spheres. Transporting trinkets from Asia may make sense for a capitalist corporation whose production chain extends across the planet, but it is environmentally criminal, externalizing and socializing with all of humanity devastating environmental and social impacts. International trade needs to be based on social and environmental clauses that allow the race for the lowest wages and labor and environmental costs to be neutralized, and favor subsidiarity to prevail. Regional agreements are necessary, especially in the task of strengthening peripheral blocs against economic, political and military attacks from the center of capitalism. Facing xenophobic nationalisms, we are internationalists; seeking to integrate our economy with that of our neighbors on the continent, while de-globalizing it against the imperialist poles. We make our call for the defense of the Pachamama, of the Patria Grande, of Abya Yala. We fight to demilitarize the modus operandi of international relations, abolish the use of energy and nuclear weapons, and globalize the world’s political commitments to cooperation, in a new architecture without global power, without which we will walk towards socio-environmental collapse.



A Call to Action


We know that ecological devastation will not be stopped in conference rooms or treaty negotiations: only mass action can make a difference. Urban and rural workers, peoples of the Global South, and indigenous peoples, riverine peoples, and quilombolas around the world are at the forefront of the struggle against social and environmental injustice. We must intensify socio-environmental movements and build solidarity between anti-capitalist ecological mobilizations in the North and South. Ecosocialism is not just a change in economics and production relations, but the constitution of a new civilization.


It requires, on the part of the 21st century left, a change not only of program, but also of practices and values, horizons and strategies, epistemologies and cosmologies. Ecosocialism can only be affirmed as part of a new worldview that, in opposition to competition and individualism, values collaboration and community bonds, and that, in opposition to the predation of nature, values the empathy of human beings for the whole web of life. In short, a movement that creates a common purpose for a large part of humanity in this hour of great danger!


This Ecosocialist Declaration, in dialogue with the International Ecosocialist Declaration, is a call to action. The entrenched ruling oligarchies are powerful, but the capitalist system is increasingly bankrupt daily, unable to overcome the crises it generates. Radical opposition forces are alive and vital. At all levels, local, regional and international, we are struggling to create an alternative system based on social and ecological justice, proposing to initiate a process of transition of Brazilian society in the direction of ecosocialism.


We, the undersigned, endorse the analysis and political perspectives outlined in the Declaration of the Brazilian Network of Ecosocialists and support the establishment and building of a Global Ecosocialist Network.





DisclaimerOpinions expressed in articles are the author’s and do not necessarily reflect the views of other members of the Global Ecosocialist Network

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